No Logo

Here, Klein focuses on the third major trend in retail that has eroded consumer choice over the past few decades: “the arrival of the palatial flagship store, which appears on prime real estate and acts as a three-dimensional ad for the brand” (132).

Once again, Klein begins by drawing on memories from her personal life, in this case, her skepticism as a young child toward her “hippie” parents’ (143-45). “I wasn’t allowed to have a Barbie,” she writes, “but I had Barbie in my brain” (144). According to Klein, Disney and Mattel provide early examples of corporations seeking to extend their reach into any commercial endeavor that will expand the visibility and influence of their respective brands (145-46).

The Disney Store, which first opened in 1984 and, at the time No Logo was written, had over 700 locations worldwide, serves as the physical manifestation of the vast domain of the Disney brand (149). This encompasses not just the “core” business of Disney films and spin-off products like toys and clothing, but also theme parks (Disney World, Disneyland), a cruise ship line, a private island in the Bahamas, and Celebration, Florida, an entire town designed according to Disney specifications (152, 154-58). In short, Disney is the main example of the expansion of a corporate brand into as many facets of life as possible, the omnipresence of a modern business entity.   

Klein links the Disney model of unlimited growth and branding to the dizzying array of corporate mergers in the media and technology fields in recent decades (146-49). The goal here is “synergy,” that is, “using ever-expanding networks of brand extensions to spin a self-sustaining lifestyle web” (148). Klein focuses on an analogue to Disney, Virgin Group and its plethora of ventures, including music retail and production, air travel, and banking, as a key instance of voracious branding that knows no boundaries (148, 160). Another prominent example is the Canadian outdoor and athletic apparel company Roots, which began construction on its luxurious Roots Lodge resort on Vancouver Island in April 1999 (153-54). The experience at the lodge is so completely branded that just about every object that guests encounter is imprinted with the Roots logo.       

The creation of “privatized public utopias” like flagship superstores, Disneyland, or the Roots Lodge corresponds to the atrophy of a true public sphere with a significant range of diversity and choice (158). In the past, antitrust laws enforced by agencies like the US Federal Trade Commission might have prevented the formation of monopolistic enterprises like Microsoft and Barnes & Noble or mergers such as CBS–Viacom, Time Warner–Turner, or Disney–ABC (161-64), but these regulations were gutted in the 1980s under President Reagan. Previously unthinkable concentrations of money, control, and influence have been the result. Despite the apparent freedom of more product choices than ever, the independence of consumers has been the true casualty of these developments.     

Chapter 8 focuses on what Klein presents as a straightforward consequence of the rapid growth of monolithic retail chains: corporate censorship (165). If fewer and fewer large corporations dominate the retail landscape, then access to cultural and artistic products can be more readily constricted.

Klein first notes the ability of large retailers like Walmart, Blockbuster, and Kmart to block the sale of any film, album, magazine, or book that they deem in conflict with their family-friendly image (165-69). In 1998, ABC journalists were prevented from airing coverage critical of the network’s corporate partner Disney (170). Similarly, American companies looking to expand abroad to growing markets like China have been happy to conform to the political standards of its state-run media in order to avoid a costly boycott (171-74). In short, major companies have proven willing to suppress or alter cultural and artistic content to preserve brand image and messaging.

In addition to these explicit instances of corporate censorship, Klein considers somewhat more subtle examples of interference. Copyright law, she argues, has been weaponized to prevent the use or representation of intellectual property that is unflattering or unremunerative for its corporate owner (175-82). From the 19’90s pop hit “Barbie Girl” to the lowly re-mixes of indie DJs, artists have faced severe litigation from corporations for the unauthorized use of copyrighted content. For Klein, the problem with such aggressive copyright policing is that certain corporate property, like Mattel’s Barbie, has become part of our collective cultural heritage. “When we lack the ability to talk back to entities that are culturally and politically powerful,” she writes, “the very foundations of free speech and democratic society are called into question” (182).

Klein, however, concludes the chapter by noting that corporate censorship is not “an airtight formula” but merely “a steady trend” (187). Publishers owned by major corporations still release unconventional and provocative books—like No Logo itself (188). Unbranded space may be diminishing, but it is not yet completely gone.

Moreover, Klein argues that the exposure of any brand may have certain inherent limits (188-90). Companies like Nike, Shell, and Starbucks have all experienced consumer backlash in their respective quests for market domination. Perhaps, then, cracks are appearing in the seemingly impenetrable armor of corporate America.