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40 pages 1 hour read

Transl. Paul Woodruff, Thucydides

On Justice Power and Human Nature

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1874

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Themes

Fear and Compulsion

According to Woodruff, what made Thucydides’s approach to events new was his attention to human dynamics as causal agents instead of, as in Homer’s work especially, causality being determined in the dynamic between superhuman forces and mortals. Thucydides was concerned especially with the force that ananke (compulsion) exerts on human decision-making. “[A]mbition, fear, and advantage” (36) are all pivotal parts of this compulsion—but none more than fear. The chief cause of the Peloponnesian war wasn’t how powerful Athens really was but how powerful Sparta perceived Athens to be and its fear of this perceived power. This fear made Sparta disinclined to pursue peaceful solutions to their and their allies’ grievances against Athens.

When superhuman forces are involved, humans may feel that they’re making choices—and may be making them—but the end is predetermined. Fate is unavoidable. Thucydides didn’t seem to believe that outcomes were inevitable in the same way. Instead, he suggested that when humans believe certain outcomes are inevitable, they behave in a way that brings those outcomes to pass; they may have other options but don’t recognize them as such. This is demonstrated repeatedly throughout Woodruff’s collection, perhaps most starkly in the contrast between Athens’s behavior in the Mytilenean dialogue of 427 BC and the Melos debate of 416, events with overlapping concerns that ended very differently.

The Mytilenean dialogue happened a few years into the war. Early on, Pericles had warned Athens that its empire “is really like a tyranny—though it may have been thought unjust to seize it, it is now unsafe to surrender” (90). Right or wrong, they must protect their empire to protect themselves. This is reflected in the Mytilenean debate between Cleon and Diodotus. Neither made claims to justice, but they offered opposing suggestions for what was in Athens’s best interests. Cleon insisted that a firm hand would inspire the proper amount of fear, while Diodotus argued that clemency would prevent reactionaries from retaliating. Showing mercy to those who deserved it was ultimately determined to be in Athens’s best interests. This decision was arrived at dispassionately for the good of Athens, not out of concern for the Mytileneans and proper conduct. Under Diodotus’s guidance, the Athenians didn’t allow strong emotion (anger or fear) to dictate their decision. They made a conscious choice.

Their conduct towards Melos, which came later in the war, was more brutal but also less conscious, as portrayed by Thucydides. In the Mytilenean debate, the Athenians made no appeals to justice, only to expediency and fear of how their other allies might interpret leniency. To justify themselves, Athens declared that justice was relevant only when “both sides are under equal compulsion” (136), meaning of equal strength. Since Melos was the weaker party, they had no choice but to capitulate. Melos resisted this characterization, insisting that in fact they were being forced to choose between freedom and enslavement. Athens again turned the situation around, allowing the Melians to have a choice but framing it as between survival and death—the underlying assumption seemingly being that survival is always preferable to death. The Melians, however, chose to fight and die free rather than submit. Nevertheless, Athens never acknowledged that it could have chosen another path.

The Fragility of Civilization

In beginning his work, Thucydides noted that when the Peloponnesian war began, Athens and Sparta were both at the height of their powers, having achieved that power and influence through different means. Though geographically close, Athens and Sparta can seem like opposites. Sparta took pride in its “ancient constitution,” while Athens had endured “more than a century of political upheavals and emerged with a spanking new democracy” (15). Sparta resisted cultural change, while Athens welcomed it. Sparta could rely on its own territory for food, while Athens relied on commerce to supply food and timber to its population. Sparta was cash poor, leading a voluntary alliance, while Athens controlled silver mines and collected tributes from its subject states. Although they spoke the same language and generally worshiped the same gods, Spartans and Athenians had different dialects and belonged, by their own standards, to different ethnicities—Doric and Ionian, respectively—which had unique customs and traditions.

Setting two distinct (by the standards of his time) societies side by side enabled Thucydides to explore both how well civilizations and value systems hold up under pressure and which systems prove most stable. Scholars are divided as to which city Thucydides found most favorable. Both cities are shown transgressing the boundaries of justice. Sparta didn’t follow the terms of their treaty at the outset, as they didn’t ask for arbitration but issued a command to Athens, and they executed Athenian merchants at the beginning of the war. The Spartans claimed their alliances were voluntary but used the threat of violence to exert their influence, as with Acanthus. However, while the Spartans transgressed social bonds, their society—at least what Thucydides showed of it—didn’t weaken within itself. Their oligarchy was never questioned or rebelled from internally.

Athens faced different challenges. The fear and desperation that descended with the plague weakened social bonds, as citizens stopped caring about what happened to friends and neighbors. The more dire their circumstances became, the more unstable their society became, until finally they lost everything. The instability in Athens and between Athens and Sparta reverberated across the Greek-speaking world. Woodruff shows this through the example of Corcyra, which experienced civil strife internally between oligarchic and democratic factions, causing even families to turn against each other. The city was destroyed not so much from external pressure as from an inability to transcend differences and achieve consensus for the good of its society.

As with human agency, Thucydides didn’t, according to Woodruff, believe that “moral decay” was inevitable, but if instability was activated, it could become an “unstoppable,” self-perpetuating cycle. Ultimately, it’s possible to conclude that Thucydides was less concerned with which government was the most effective than with the need for balance, moderation, and good leaders who work for the public good, not solely for their own benefit. At the end of the war, when Sparta could have annihilated Athens as Athens had done to her enemies, Sparta choose not to.

Fortune and the Tragic Hero

In addition to being a rhetorical device that Thucydides shares with tragedians and epic poets, the tragic hero functions as a thematic concern: It was a means through which Thucydides could address both the vagaries of fortune and the limits of human knowledge. Unlike poets and tragedians, Thucydides didn’t propose that storms and accidents were engineered by the gods to ensure the fulfillment of a predetermined fate, but that storms and accidents, whether natural or human-generated, could and did affect outcomes. Their existence pointed to the need for versatility and preparation, qualities attributed to Athens and Sparta respectfully but that can be useful to all.

Whereas poets and tragedians turned to fate and the gods to explain why humans became deluded, Thucydides turned to human fears and ambitions that prompt them to delude themselves, misread situations, or reach too high, seeing only what they want to see. At the beginning of the war, Sthenelaidas was so committed to going to war with Athens that he didn’t entertain Archidamus’s prudent options for attempting to prevent it. Pericles was so confident that Athens would be a “lesson for Greece” (78) that he didn’t consider what kind of lesson it would be. Nicias’s fear that Athens would undertake the expedition, while warranted, caused him to argue that it would be too expensive to undertake. He misjudged the Athenians’s commitment: Rather than give up the idea, they threw more time and resources into it. The Athenians believed that they could compel Melos to comply through fear, but the Melians’ commitment to their freedom instead compelled the Athenians to commit an atrocity. Unanticipated weather events also played a role in turning the course of human events. The Spartans set fire to Plataea, hoping to force out those taking shelter, but a storm put out the fire and masked the sounds of a group of Plataeans who escaped through the siege lines.

Thucydides’s audience knew who won the war and who lost it, who survived and who died, and therefore could track the decisions made across the work, what leaders considered and what they overlooked, which circumstances rewarded innovation and which rewarded tradition, which pressures provoked the collapse of the social order and which could be absorbed. The audience could read events of the past with the foresight of knowing the outcomes and, as Thucydides seemed to hope, apply them to similar events in the future, as they’ll surely recur.

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