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Rebecca SolnitA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Solnit returns to Orwell’s cottage in Wallington two years after her first visit; it’s summer, and flowering plants are in bloom. She plans to walk through the village in an ad hoc search for what Orwell himself might have seen. She notes the abundance of flint scattered throughout the pathways, even though the land has been ploughed for agricultural purposes for centuries, and explains that flint originates from the compacted layers of sea creatures and debris, compressed over millions of years.
She muses about Orwell’s roses and the many philosophical (and literal) places they’ve led her, comparing them to the rhizomatic networks formed by certain plants. Writing itself often grows organically from various subject matter. This leads Solnit to consider the history of genetics, and in particular, the work of geneticist Charles Chamberlain Hurst. Hurst specialized in tracking the rose family in the early 20th century, and he recommended to gardeners the best varieties for expressing specific characteristics. This line of thought leads Solnit to explore “the genetics controversies in Stalin’s Soviet Union” (129), something that provided inspiration for Orwell’s writing too.
Solnit recounts that Orwell was “riveted” by a lecture he attended in the 1940s that focused on science—and its perversion—in the Soviet Union under Stalin (131). Solnit describes the opposing trajectories of two Soviet scientists, the “bogus” Trofim Lysenko and the “agronomist” Nikolai Vavilov (132). Vavilov focused on increasing food production, driven not only by love for country but also by an idealistic view that the problem of world hunger could someday be solved. Lysenko, conversely, was motivated by a desire for power and influence. He supported Stalin’s desire for quick solutions, which had its roots in the discredited brand of science promoted by the 18th-century thinker Jean-Baptiste Lamarck. Lamarckian theories—spontaneous mutations being the primary one—were disproved in the 19th century by Charles Darwin’s evolutionary theories. However, in the early 20th century, Darwin’s theories became increasingly (and erroneously) attached to ideas of social Darwinism, which runs contrary to the socialist ideal that all people (i.e., workers) are equal. Thus, Stalin preferred the disproven theories of Lamarck.
Darwin’s theories were further perverted by the pseudoscience of eugenics, to which the Nazis took with macabre and, ultimately, murderous enthusiasm. This provided Stalin with even more reason to oppose Darwin in favor of Lamarck. Lysenko capitalized on all this by claiming that “wheat, like men, was malleable, and that he could breed wheat that would inherit acquired characteristics” (135). While Vavilov proposed much the same project, he recognized that this would take generations of breeding, while Lysenko “promised impossibly quick results” (136). The outcome of this competition, which Lysenko won, was that millions of people starved to death, mostly in Ukraine.
Ironically, many left-leaning writers and thinkers of the day ignored the devastation, preferring instead to believe Stalin’s lies for their own ideological comfort. Not so Orwell, as Solnit points out. In fact, Orwell used actual Soviet propaganda in his novel 1984 to expose its cruelty and absurdity. Stalin’s atrocities, from the gulags to the assassinations to the politically generated widespread famine, are well-documented. The agronomist Vavilov was eventually sent to the gulag, where he starved to death. Solnit notes that Orwell, some weeks before his own death, pasted a newspaper article in his journal that detailed the absurdity of Lysenko’s pseudoscience. At the time, many intellectuals were still clinging to communist ideology despite Stalin’s autocracy.
Solnit discusses Stalin’s desire to plant lemon trees in the inhospitably cold climate of Moscow. She notes that Stalin’s own daughter recounted that the infamous dictator’s relationship to nature was one in which he desired control. Solnit speculates that the lemon trees of which Stalin was inordinately proud were actually replanted in secret whenever they died in the harsh conditions. This symbolizes the larger paranoia, constant deception, and obscuring of the truth at the heart of Stalin’s totalitarian state.
Solnit begins this section with a stroll around Wallington, reflecting on what Orwell himself might have seen. She self-consciously mimics Orwell’s own preoccupations with nature and its pleasures: “There was no one else on the route on that Thursday of scattered white clouds and sunshine, and so I fell into a happy introspective trance, taking in the details of the path, the fields, the sky” (123). She contemplates the origin of the flint upon which she treads as well: “They constituted a dictionary of flint possibilities and I was picking up a vocabulary of form from it” (124). Her way with metaphor—a flint dictionary from which she learns words in physical form—often originates in nature. This kind of language undergirds her larger project of portraying Orwell as a writer steeped in the natural world and concerned with the truth of what language conveys, and it underscores one of her book’s main themes: The Roots of Writing. This opening trope of the lonely traveler, communing with nature and taking the long view of history, starkly contrasts with some of the material in this part of the book—Stalin’s impatience with natural forces; his denial of truth and science; and the sway of his authoritarian regime, within and beyond the Soviet Union.
Orwell’s writing, particularly in the novel 1984, reflects Stalin’s regime of deception and atrocity. For example, when Winston Smith is tortured in the penultimate parts of Orwell’s novel, he’s repeatedly asked to confirm—as evidence of his acquiescence to the authorities—that “two plus two equals five” (138). This, Solnit tells her reader, was “a real formula, a proposition to carry out the Soviet five-year plan in four years” (138). Hence, Stalin put his faith in Lysenko’s spurious claims to propagate heartier wheat in a single season. It’s also evidence of the wobbly foundation upon which the regime rested—of being forced into denying the reality one sees or knows is true: “Perhaps it was an indoctrination in overriding one’s intelligence, and certainly lies were the one crop with a bumper yield year after year” (138). Solnit holds Orwell up, in contrast, as a beacon of truth, perhaps unique among his generation, many of whom were willingly fooled by Stalin’s propaganda. Instead, she argues, “Orwell would convey more powerfully than almost anyone before or since [that] one of the powers tyrants hold is to destroy and distort the truth and force others to submit to what they know is untrue” (139). Thus, Orwell stands out in comparison to such luminaries as George Bernard Shaw, whom Solnit mentions, in defying the Soviet’s distorted version of events.
Part 4 employs the same kind of juxtapositions as the other parts: It opens with “a dictator plant[ing] lemons” (121) rather than a writer planting roses. Ten years after Orwell planted his roses, Stalin ordered lemon trees to be planted, regardless of their suitability to the climate. Orwell’s roses still thrive, representing a commitment to beauty—a beauty bound to the laws of nature, the truth of science—while Stalin’s lemon trees, transplanted follies, are long dead. The title of Chapter 3, “Forcing Lemons,” is itself a metaphor for totalitarian control—and, ultimately, reveals its inherent weakness: the belief that control over organic processes—which, symbolically speaking, include freedom of expression and movement as well as the creation of beauty and the experience of joy—is possible. The connotation of lemons as something not well-built and inherently bound to fail adds another layer of meaning to the chapter’s title. Stalin’s lemon trees failed; it was inevitable that they would. Conversely, “the wheat fields around Wallington were reminders that even seeds for annuals or practices like farming could outlast a regime, a dictator, a pack of lies, and a war against science” (146). The flint path endures, while Stalin’s empire crumbled, just as his lemon trees died; the endeavor is unsustainable in an environment of lies, in a climate of cold.
By Rebecca Solnit
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