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Gregory of ToursA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
As both a devout Catholic Christian and a bishop in the church hierarchy, the author of the History of the Franks, Gregory of Tours, looks at history and the events of his own time through the lens of religion. Gregory makes this clear at the beginning, where he writes, "Proposing as I do to describe the wars waged by kings against hostile peoples, by martyrs against the heathen and by the Churches against the heretics, I wish first of all to explain my own faith, so that whoever reads me may not doubt that I am a Catholic" (67). For Gregory, God is active in guiding history toward certain ends, such as punishing evil individuals or rewarding the virtuous and promoting the true faith, which Gregory considers to be Catholic Christianity. Thus, in Gregory’s eyes, Christianity and the political events of his own day are inextricably linked.
For example, Gregory claims that God revealed the location of some hidden treasure to Emperor Tiberius II of the Byzantine Empire as a reward for his charity toward the poor (283-85). Likewise, Gregory suggests that King Recared of the Visigoths in Spain abandoned the Arian sect of Christianity and converted to Catholic Christianity because God only allowed Catholic bishops to perform miracles, such as healing the sick (497-98). Gregory himself spells this out when he claims Arius, the founder of the Arian branch of Christianity, died horribly on a toilet while Hilary, a defender of the doctrine of the Trinity, was able to return from exile and went to heaven. Negative events might happen to the true believers, but this does not contradict Gregory's view that history is ultimately guided in favor of what he considers the true faith: "As the Devil prowls around the true believers, they may well lose many things, but the Lord restores them hundredfold; the heretics on the other hand have not much advantage to show, and even that which they have is taken away from them" (161-62).
However, it is not just Gregory. The society of early medieval Europe was infused with religion. Although not everyone was as devout as Gregory, there would have been few non-believers. Gregory himself accuses King Chilperic of having "no fear of God or respect for Him" (272) and Fredegund of also having "no fear of God" (399). However, Gregory does also claim Fredegund and Chilperic became convinced, when their children were dying from a plague, that God was punishing them for their heavy taxation (297-98). Whatever the case may be when it came to kings and their piety, faith and religion were important parts of people's lives. Pagans and so-called "heretics" were persecuted and subjected to violence and the destruction of their holy places simply because of their beliefs, with both Arian and Catholic Christians involved in persecution campaigns (92, 301, 584-86).
Bishops like Gregory also served as diplomats, judges, and administrators and were involved in royal politics. Bishop Egidius of Rheims, for example, was said by Gregory to have been involved in a plot to depose King Guntram and divide his kingdom between Childebert II and Chilperic (328). Gregory himself seems to have been often involved in both local and national politics, such as when he tried (and failed) to settle a violent dispute between prominent locals (429) or when he was sent as an ambassador to King Guntram on behalf of Childebert II (502-09). In these ways, the History emphasizes both the deep religiosity of the age and the many incidents in which political and religious influence overlapped.
Unlike later monarchies in Europe, which tended to only accept children born to a married couple as legitimate claimants to a throne, under the Merovingian dynasty sons born outside of marriage had as much right to the throne as sons born in wedlock. This tradition, coupled with the attempts to divide territories equally between sons, led to persistent conflicts over the succession and rivalries between relatives.
An example of a son and claimant born outside of a royal marriage was Theudebert, the son of Clovis and an unnamed concubine. Gundovald also had a claim that was serious enough he gained supporters as a reputed illegitimate son of Lothar I. The lack of primogeniture and a clear line of succession in the Merovingian dynasty thus created numerous claimants for the throne, leading to much violence and political instability as son competed against son for dominance. Merovingians thought of Gaul as a single political entity, but since it was one where multiple kings might rule independently, the lack of definitive, centralized authority created the conditions for constant warfare. Occasionally, one strong king might exercise a kind of seniority, as was the case with King Guntram in relation to his nephews Childebert II and Lothar II. This can be seen in how Paris was treated as neutral territory between the kings and in how one king could call a council of bishops from all the kingdoms in Gaul (508).
Conflicts broke out in both the generations of Merovingians that Gregory describes, the sons of Clovis I and then the sons and grandsons of Lothar I. Lothar I and Childebert I even had their young nephews murdered in order to claim more territory and remove potential future rivals (180-82). Gregory begins Book V by lamenting, "The Franks ought, indeed, to have been warned by the sad fate of their earlier kings, who, through their inability ever to agree with each other, were killed by their enemies" (253). There are numerous family conflicts that lead to wars and assassinations, such as wars between the kings and with potential claimants like Gundovald, and even, in the case of Fredegund and King Chilperic's sons Merovich and Clovis, a stepmother plotting against her stepsons.
After the era Gregory describes in History of the Franks, the conflicts between the Merovingians would only end when there was just one king left standing, Lothar II. In the History, Gregory exposes the flaws of this fractured system of power, reflecting the realities of a wider geographical and political splintering in much of western Europe in the early centuries after the fall of the Roman Empire.
While much of The History of the Franks is dedicated to describing politics, Gregory reveals much about the personal lives of the kings and queens who lived during his own lifetime, to an extent that was rare among historical writings of the era. Many episodes in his History provide glimpses of daily life in early medieval Europe, providing valuable historical insights into the culture of the time.
Gregory’s writing offers portraits of some of the political figures he discusses, revealing some of their personal idiosyncrasies and feelings. Even though Gregory is not fond of Queen Fredegund and King Chilperic, he describes their genuine grief over the deaths of their children (297-99), suggesting a more tender and vulnerable side to their otherwise harsh personalities. Gregory also provides an intimate look at King Guntram, whom he personally met during a diplomatic mission. Gregory discusses being invited to share a dinner with the king himself, whom Gregory describes by writing, "From time to time he laughed out loud, as he coined some witty phrase, thereby ensuring that we shared his happiness" (509).
Gregory also writes extensively about topics and events outside national politics. As a result, the text reveals much about the lives of people other than kings and bishops in 6th-century western Europe. The most salient element of life in those times is the everyday violence. Raids from enemy forces like the Huns (115-16) and the Bretons (292, 500) were a possible threat to people living both in towns and the countryside. During civil wars, soldiers would usually not hesitate to loot their own country (244-46, 272) or even during missions like escorting the princess Rigunth to Spain (379). Outside war and pillaging, people had to cope with outbreaks of disease (199-200) and fire, which could devastate whole cities (371, 465-67). This widespread danger and instability speaks to the hardships faced by many people during this period.
There are even glimpses into the daily lives of the peasants and average city-dwellers. At King Chilperic’s command, serfs were taken from their homes and separated from their families to accompany Rigunth to Spain, although Gregory’s outraged description does hint this was perhaps not all that common an action (377). Peasants and average townspeople are also seen acting of their own volition by seeking miraculous cures for illness (510), defying authorities by supporting royal pretenders or renegade religious figures (173, 585), and nominating or deposing their own bishops (104-05). There are even hints that early medieval Europe was more interconnected and diverse than some might expect, as Gregory describes how different populations in the city of Orleans, namely the Gallo-Romans, the “Syrians,” and the Jews, welcomed King Guntram in their own languages (433).
Gregory’s History thus provides an account of the political dynasty that shaped early Frankish history, while also serving as a primary source for aspects of daily life and culture that are sometimes neglected in other surviving sources of the time. In doing so, Gregory offers insights into life for people of various ranks and roles in his era.
Women in the History of the Franks appear as queens, princesses, abbesses, nuns, the wives of bishops, noblewomen, and commoners. They were barred from ruling as queens in their own right or from being leaders in the church. Nonetheless, Gregory admits they often exercised tremendous influence, even in the realms of religion and politics.
The most famous recurring account Gregory relates is that of the conflict between the queens Brunhild and Fredegund. Gregory praises Brunhild as "chaste and decorous in her behaviour, wise in her generation and of good address" (221). As for Fredegund, Gregory alleges or outright accuses her of a number of crimes, including orchestrating the murder of King Sigibert and possibly her husband Chilperic, having her stepsons killed, getting a number of people executed on allegations of witchcraft (365), and possibly having lovers outside of marriage (316, 392).
Both Brunhild and Fredegund come across as savvy and willing to act on their own initiative, such as when Fredegund convinces a number of noblemen and bishops to recognize her son as the rightful king (440) or when Brunhild manages to recover from the assassination of her husband Sigibert and escape captivity to take her place as queen regent for her son Childebert II (254-56). Nevertheless, Gregory also illustrates the ways their power was limited because they were women, such as Fredegund needing the protection of King Guntram after her husband's death (390-91) and Brunhild not being able to stop one of her own favorites, Duke Lupus, from being driven out of the kingdom by his enemies (329).
Although Gregory takes a positive view of Brunhild throughout History of the Franks, generally the women he praises are pious and retired from political life. King Clovis's queen, Clotild, is praised by Gregory for her efforts to convert Clovis to Catholic Christianity. After Clovis's death, she became a nun and "was remarkable for her great modesty and her loving kindness" (158). While Fredegund is arguably Gregory's most prominent female villain, he also presents women who have negative influences over men in positions of religious or political influence.
Such negative examples of female influence include the wife of Urbicus, the first bishop of Clermont-Ferrand, who tried to lure him out of holy celibacy (93-94), and Amalaberg, a "wicked and cruel woman" (164) whose influence over her husband King Hermanfrid caused a civil war in Thuringia. Even when holding them up as negative examples, however, Gregory reveals the influence women could have. For example, his description of the nuns' revolt at the convent in Poitiers, where women led by a princess-turned-nun named Clotild caused a violent revolt, reveals the extent to which women could attempt to assert themselves. They brought accusations against their abbess, Leubovera, before kings Childebert II and Gertram and a council of bishops (526-39, 580). Although the suit was unsuccessful, the rebel nuns remained defiant, with Clotild refusing to return to the convent.
In offering portraits of these various women, Gregory reveals both the limitations under which women lived and the considerable agency they managed to assert even within those boundaries. In recounting the famous deeds of some of the female figures of his era, Gregory places them alongside the male kings and warriors as exercising influence and power.