Plot Summary
The Public and Its Problems
John Dewey
The Public and Its Problems
Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1927
Plot Summary
The Public and Its Problems is a 1927 treatise by noted philosopher John Dewey. The book was Dewey's first extended treatment of political matters (although he had discussed politics earlier in his career). The Public and Its Problems is a notable and still contentious work of pragmatic philosophy that explores the meaning and viability of democracy in the twentieth century. Although a complete work in its own right that can be read on its own, Dewey's work, originally conceived as a response to philosopher Walter Lippmann, is best understood in this context. In particular, it addresses Lippmann's influential criticisms of democracy in his books Public Opinion (1922) and The Phantom Public (1925). Lippmann's works asserted that the public was not well informed enough to contribute meaningfully to the creation of valid or useful state policy in a democracy. Consequently, he thought a technocratic elite was best suited to govern.
Dewey begins by arguing that, if we accept, as most philosophers do, that human societies are different than groups of animals, then we cannot attempt to explain human societies in terms of unconscious animal instincts. Rather, we must look to humanity's unique faculties to explain human society. According to Dewey, what most distinguishes human from animal is that humans are considerably better able to understand not only that their actions have consequences, but the full scope of those consequences.
One of the ramifications of this knowledge of consequences is the ability to perceive “negative externalities.” Most human actions, Dewey asserts, are private, only affecting the parties involved. However, sometimes, human actions have indirect consequences for unrelated third parties. For instance, if a small community agrees to build a factory in its town, that might seem to be a private matter, only affecting those in the town. However, if that factory produces pollution that affects a nearby town, that pollution is what Dewey calls a negative externality. Negative externalities can take many different forms.
It is in the face of negative externalities that a “public” forms; its most basic purpose is to legislate ways to deal with negative externalities for the sake of the common interest. In a democracy, the public does this by electing representative officials – they make up the “state.” In fact, Dewey argues that no such thing as a public can exist without first being called into being by a negative externality.
Dewey concedes that the problem with this system, as Lippmann and others make clear, is that several forces affect the public in such a way as to prevent it from fully understanding or articulating its needs. Some of the forces that Dewey mentions include: corporate and special interests, the mind-numbing effects of popular entertainment, novel technologies, specialized work roles that limit the flow of information, and certain inherent flaws of humanity itself, like selfishness. As an example of the latter: while state officials are elected to serve the common good, Dewey admits that it is not uncommon that they use their power to benefit themselves, even at the expense of their electorate. These forces, by warping the public's understanding of its own context, and generally preventing it from electing effective policymakers, prevent democracy from functioning as it should.
Dewey is also particularly interested in how the industrial revolution and the First World War helped to create a sharp rift between the upper and working classes. Industry and capitalism, he observes, have led to increased bureaucratization. As work roles have become increasingly specialized, the ideal of the pioneer, who had mastered many different crafts and tasks, has become an empty rhetorical figure. This has resulted in a society of people unable to see the big picture. The result has been inefficient, uninformed decision making.
Viewing democracy's flaws as impossible to resolve, Lippmann does not see how democracy as a governing system can be made to work correctly. Dewey, however, believes that there is hope yet, and argues that increased communication can save democracy from itself (“Communication alone can make a Great Society”). For Dewey, increased communication, along with increased education, can eventually make people interested in political affairs, and help them understand it enough to participate in it effectively.
The Public and Its Problems, like all works of philosophy, is a difficult book to summarize and rewards careful reading (and rereading). Along with Lippmann's works, it has been the subject of intensive debate since its publication. Many of the faults these books identify in democracy have only become more pronounced since their original publication, which has kept treatises such as Dewey's relevant. An especially interesting aspect of Dewey's work is his generally skeptical outlook on technology and its effects on society. Given Dewey's emphasis on the importance of communication to saving democracy, it is interesting to speculate on how he would have assessed the Internet.
Dewey begins by arguing that, if we accept, as most philosophers do, that human societies are different than groups of animals, then we cannot attempt to explain human societies in terms of unconscious animal instincts. Rather, we must look to humanity's unique faculties to explain human society. According to Dewey, what most distinguishes human from animal is that humans are considerably better able to understand not only that their actions have consequences, but the full scope of those consequences.
One of the ramifications of this knowledge of consequences is the ability to perceive “negative externalities.” Most human actions, Dewey asserts, are private, only affecting the parties involved. However, sometimes, human actions have indirect consequences for unrelated third parties. For instance, if a small community agrees to build a factory in its town, that might seem to be a private matter, only affecting those in the town. However, if that factory produces pollution that affects a nearby town, that pollution is what Dewey calls a negative externality. Negative externalities can take many different forms.
It is in the face of negative externalities that a “public” forms; its most basic purpose is to legislate ways to deal with negative externalities for the sake of the common interest. In a democracy, the public does this by electing representative officials – they make up the “state.” In fact, Dewey argues that no such thing as a public can exist without first being called into being by a negative externality.
Dewey concedes that the problem with this system, as Lippmann and others make clear, is that several forces affect the public in such a way as to prevent it from fully understanding or articulating its needs. Some of the forces that Dewey mentions include: corporate and special interests, the mind-numbing effects of popular entertainment, novel technologies, specialized work roles that limit the flow of information, and certain inherent flaws of humanity itself, like selfishness. As an example of the latter: while state officials are elected to serve the common good, Dewey admits that it is not uncommon that they use their power to benefit themselves, even at the expense of their electorate. These forces, by warping the public's understanding of its own context, and generally preventing it from electing effective policymakers, prevent democracy from functioning as it should.
Dewey is also particularly interested in how the industrial revolution and the First World War helped to create a sharp rift between the upper and working classes. Industry and capitalism, he observes, have led to increased bureaucratization. As work roles have become increasingly specialized, the ideal of the pioneer, who had mastered many different crafts and tasks, has become an empty rhetorical figure. This has resulted in a society of people unable to see the big picture. The result has been inefficient, uninformed decision making.
Viewing democracy's flaws as impossible to resolve, Lippmann does not see how democracy as a governing system can be made to work correctly. Dewey, however, believes that there is hope yet, and argues that increased communication can save democracy from itself (“Communication alone can make a Great Society”). For Dewey, increased communication, along with increased education, can eventually make people interested in political affairs, and help them understand it enough to participate in it effectively.
The Public and Its Problems, like all works of philosophy, is a difficult book to summarize and rewards careful reading (and rereading). Along with Lippmann's works, it has been the subject of intensive debate since its publication. Many of the faults these books identify in democracy have only become more pronounced since their original publication, which has kept treatises such as Dewey's relevant. An especially interesting aspect of Dewey's work is his generally skeptical outlook on technology and its effects on society. Given Dewey's emphasis on the importance of communication to saving democracy, it is interesting to speculate on how he would have assessed the Internet.