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David EpsteinA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Though Epstein’s project in The Sports Gene is ostensibly to seek out the gene, or genes, that predetermine athletic excellence, the result of his project is a more moderate thesis on the interplay between genetics and environment. He embraces the answer to sports’ biggest biology questions by saying that it’s not just genes, and it’s not just environment; rather, it’s both. Epstein uses a machinery metaphor throughout the book to articulate this message, saying: “It’s always a hardware and a software story. The hardware is useless without the software, just as the reverse is true. Sport skill acquisition does not happen without both specific genes and a specific environment” (51).
In “Beat by an Underhand Girl,” Epstein explains how an expert baseball hitter doesn’t react more quickly but rather processes information more quickly than an average person because of his multitudes of experience (i.e., “software”). In “Major League Vision and the Greatest Child Athlete Sample Ever,” Epstein reveals that biological visual acuity informs how fast and well a hitter can see the cues in the first place (i.e., “hardware”) before his brain processes them.
Throughout the book, Epstein discovers genes that predispose certain individuals and groups of people to have a higher aerobic capacity, to be higher responders to training, and to have higher levels of hemoglobin in their blood—but for every genetic discovery Epstein makes, there’s an environmental discovery. Kalenjin runners possess long, thin limbs with low distal weight—all genetic advantages in endurance running—and they also grow up in Kenya, where other sports like football and basketball don’t dominate and so don’t draw running talent out of the track-and-field arena (as happens in other countries). As Epstein puts it, genetics and environment are so “intertwined as to become a single vine” (265).
Not only are the interactions between environment and genetics intertwined, they can also intertwine in infinite ways. In “The Vitruvian NBA Player,” Epstein provides the example of European children during World War I and World War II who experienced stunted periods of growth due to famine, but whose growth sped up after the wars and who reached normal adult heights. He relates that “the permutations of size-determining interactions between nature and nurture are fathomless” (137).
This sentiment that both genes and environment are at play is distilled in “The World’s Greatest Accidental (Altitudinous) Talent Sieve,” when Epstein examines the role that altitude plays in a given group’s fitness for sports and finds that high altitude alone does not confer the same genetic mutations on every group it touches, nor does altitudinous ancestry always confer advantages on a person. Rather, Epstein concludes that “a helpful combination, perhaps, is to have sea-level ancestry […] but to be born at altitude […] and then to live and train in the sweet spot. This is exactly the story of legions of Kalenjin Kenyans and Oromo Ethiopians” (215). This recipe for the “right” genes, combined with the “right” environment, is emblematic of Epstein’s thesis. Athletic excellence is, itself, a “sweet spot” of environmental and genetic gifts.
Epstein’s title for this book is a tongue-and-cheek acknowledgment of a social narrative around a perfect “sports gene,” despite the scientific truth that there isn’t one. Instead, there are many genes—more than are understood, and more than can be tested with the sample size of elite athletes alive on the planet—and myriad environmental factors that make a search for a single gene futile. Though the sports and exercise markets may demand simple genetic answers, science refuses to give them.
Epstein understands that scientific inquiry has a social impact, but he perpetually emphasizes that science doesn’t care what society thinks. In the chapter “Major League Vision and the Greatest Child Athlete Sample Ever,” Epstein compiles several stories of athletes with ideal body types for a given sport who learn that sport late, or switch sports, and have success. He then cites professional golfer Tiger Woods, who started playing as a child and around whom a narrative has arisen about the 10,000-hour “rule.” This mythologizing of Woods’s lifelong training, Epstein argues, leaves out the fact of Woods’s uncanny ability to balance on his father’s palm at the age other infants were trying to stand. Epstein goes a step further, saying, “Narratives that shun the contributions of innate talent can have negative side effects in exercise science” (53). Although sports psychologists may wish to suppress or elevate a certain message about innate talent, Epstein says, “Either way, the social message has no bearing on scientific truth” (54).
In “The Talent of Trainability,” Epstein describes a social narrative that involved his own talent and the talent of a college track-and-field teammate. Scott, Epstein says, “would come into the season in relatively good shape and improve slowly and modestly, making it easy to brand him as a big talent who didn’t capitalize on his formidable gifts” (88). Scott suffered from this narrative, bailing on a race, for example, before finishing because of mental pressure. Epstein points to genetic research that shows how some athletes, even if they have a high baseline talent, are low responders to training. Others, as Epstein believes he is, are high responders. Unlike his teammate, Epstein was lauded for overcoming obstacles, when really he may have been acting out a simple expression of his genetic sequence. As Epstein describes it:
This is a story that plays out on every track in America—similar boys and girls miraculously become less similar despite training similarly […] In the absence of any biological explanation for these stories, we find other narratives to explain them, narratives that are not without consequences (86).
Epstein is not naive about the way even scientific data can be misconstrued into damaging racial narratives, specifically around race, but he advocates for truth-telling and scientific inquiry in spite of these risks. He even directly comments on scientists who shy away from seemingly taboo subjects. He says in “The Vitruvian NBA Player” that researchers from Duke and Howard universities who studied “the issue of body types as it pertains to ancestry and spork performance […] did a backbend to avoid racial stereotyping. ‘Our study does not advance the notion of race,’ they wrote” (141). The term “backbend” illustrates an exaggerated effort to deliver results in a certain way. Epstein says:
[…] it would be blind and silly to ignore the importance of access to equipment and coaching, but this is a book about genetics and athleticism, and it would be just as blind to ignore the conspicuously thorough dominance of people with particular geographic ancestry in certain sports that are globally contested and have few barriers to entry. Namely, of course, that the athletes who are the fleetest of foot, in both short and long distances, are black (141).
In Epstein’s search for how genes drive athleticism, he also unearths ways in which economics and politics drive sports evolution. One outstanding example appears in “The Big Bang of Body Types” and “The Vitruvian NBA Player,” as “technology tilted the landscape” of how profitable a career in professional sports could be (114). Epstein documents this shift, saying, “as the customer base for viewing extraordinary athletic performances expanded, fame and financial rewards slanted toward the slim upper echelon of the performance pyramid” (114). Athletic careers have become so lucrative as to make only a fraction of athletes, and therefore body types, eligible to clear the bar of performance standards.
Epstein also explains how the economic health and resulting culture of a given nation influences which nations win medals in a given sport. He claims that Kenyan domination of running exists in part because former running powerhouse countries (Britain, Finland, and the United States) have grown “increasingly wealthy, increasingly overweight, increasingly interested in other sports, and increasingly less likely to train seriously in distance running” (202).
Epstein also discusses the role of economic incentives in individual athletes’ lives. In “The World’s Greatest Accidental (Altitudinous) Talent Sieve,” he profiles 24-year-old runner Evans Kiplagat, who trains on his own in the hopes of changing his economic station, because in Kenya the average income is so low that elite runners who bring home prizes can “become one man or one woman economies” (206). As Epstein puts it, “the result of these economic incentives is an army of aspiring runners who undertake training plans fit for Olympians” (206).
Governments, and the political forces within them, also impact the sports world. In “Malaria and Muscle Fibers,” a study of athletes with West African ancestry, Epstein cites a researcher named Patrick Cooper who documented the overrepresentation of “athletes with western African heritage […] in sprint and power sports almost immediately once they are allowed a fraction of their white counterparts’ access to sports” (176). This “access to sports,” which has historically been restricted based on race, is also touched upon briefly in “The Vitruvian NBA Player,” when Epstein cites a black researcher who “emphasized that access to sports facilities is critical for athletic development and that while growing up in South Carolina he was discouraged from swimming” (141). Epstein includes mention of the impact of state-sponsored racism and discrimination on sports participation and athletic excellence, even as he focuses on the scientific factors at play.
Epstein especially turns his focus to sociopolitical factors in “Can Every Kalenjin Run?” in his quest to learn what makes Kalenjins so dominant in distance running, and whether there are other ethnic groups with the same genetic gifts. Presumably, groups from the Sudan with the same Nilotic body type as Kalenjins would be gifted distance runners. However, experts presume that the reason Sudanese people don’t compete and win in the same numbers as Kalenjins is because ethnic discrimination within Sudan barred southern Sudanese people from competition and because civil war eliminates the possibility for sports infrastructure.